Posted on

Yes, he’ll peacefully leave the White House if he loses

Talk about gaslighting. That’s exactly what Joe Biden, members of his campaign, and the likes of Hillary Clinton are doing about the upcoming presidential election. The narrative is that if President Trump loses re-election, he will refuse to accept the results of the election, refuse to leave the White House, and have to be forcibly removed from the White House. It’s absurd, of course, but this is 2020.

This conversation is so ridiculous, I can hardly stand it. The Democrats are projecting their own modus operandi when they lose an election. They simply deny the validity of the results. After the 2016 election results were all tallied up, Hillary Clinton refused to concede the election until almost 24 hours later. She is still in deep denial almost four years later. She and failed gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams are big in the Democrat talking point of voter suppression.

So, when creepy old Joe said that the U.S. military would take Trump out of the White House after he loses in November, as crazy as it sounded at the time, it’s the kind of statement from Biden that is almost expected now. Harris Faulkner, FNC anchor, interviewed President Trump after his town hall in Dallas this week and she asked him about Biden’s assertion to late-night talk show host Noah Trevor that Trump would try and steal the election.

“Look, Joe’s not all there. Everybody knows. And it’s sad when you look at it and you see it, you see it for yourself. He’s created his own sanctuary city in the basement or wherever he is and he doesn’t come out,” Trump told Harris Faulkner on “Outnumbered Overtime.”

The commander in chief went on to say, “And certainly if I don’t win, I don’t win.”

Trump reacted to former Vice President Biden telling Comedy Central’s “The Daily Show” Wednesday night that “my single greatest concern [is that] this president is going to try to steal this election. This is a guy who said that all mail-in ballots are fraudulent … while he sits behind the desk in the Oval Office and writes his mail-in ballot to vote in a primary.”

If Trump refuses to concede, Biden told host Trevor Noah, “I am absolutely convinced they [the military] will escort him from the White House with great dispatch.”

And Trump finished by saying that losing the election would be a “very sad thing for our country”, specifically referencing the defund the police movement and Democrats’ failure to stop the violent protests. He reminded Faulkner (and the viewing audience) that the cities dealing with unrest are led by Democrats.

President Trump said, “you go on, do other things.” That’s what traditionally is expected of political candidates. If you lose an election, you move on with your life. Lower level political office-seekers can always run again for another office. Trump, though, whether he loses in 2020 or ends his second term in 2024 and is out of office, will light up his Twitter feed, as he is known to do. And, he will still be a very wealthy man.

The fall-out on the left, if Trump wins re-election, will be even more epic than the fall-out from the 2016 election. I can see the marches and protests now. Why? Because we’ve seen them for almost four years. The anti-Trumpers have nowhere else to go. All they have left is more ridiculous conspiracy theories and their cohorts in the media pushing their narratives.

I’ll end with this tweet from a “Republican” group who are supporting Joe Biden in November. It’s a good example of the lameness of the opposition.

Posted on

Marisa Tomei Talks The King of Staten Island, Her Issues With Aunt May in Marvel, and MeToo

New York is on Marisa Tomei’s mind.

Yes, she is one of the quintessential Actors from NYC™ who are, for better or worse, inseparable from the charming grit of the town that helped shape them: Jennifer Lopez, Steve Buscemi, Rosie Perez, Robert De Niro, Joe Pesci—with whom she starred in the 1992 comedy classic My Cousin Vinny, winning herself an Oscar for her portrayal of Mona Lisa Vito. She’s at home in L. A. but just wrapped up starring in Tennessee Williams’s The Rose Tattoo on Broadway before the pandemic struck. And she can’t stop thinking about the people at the epicenter of the coronavirus outbreak in the U. S.

She is thinking of her parents, who live in downtown Manhattan. Her aunts and uncles and cousins. She’s even thinking of me. “I’m glad you’re safe. It must be hard to write now,” she says when I tell her I’m sheltering in place with my wife and daughters, not too far from the Brooklyn neighborhood where she grew up. But mostly, in this conversation we’re having over Zoom in April about her role in the film The King of Staten Island, she is thinking of Amy Davidson, a nurse and the mother of Pete Davidson. Tomei plays Margie, a character based on Amy, in the new Judd Apatow comedy about a mom and her man-boy son (it’s loosely based on Pete’s pre-SNL years) who are still trying to move forward, years after their husband/father died fighting a fire.

“I think about how much Amy gives and how my character gives in the movie. Pete’s dad was a firefighter on 9/11. And after that, the firefighters were not treated well by the government’s administration. I’m just noticing what’s happening in the world now, and hopefully these people that we know are essential aren’t going to be treated that way after this.”

Tomei with Pete Davidson in The King of Staten Island

Mary Cybulski / Universal Pictures

The big question I had going into this interview with Tomei, after a marathon quarantine screening of the majority of her films, was: Is she as nurturing as the characters she plays? Mona Lisa Vito, Cassidy in The Wrestler, Aunt May in Spider-Man: Homecoming—these are all the kinds of people you’d want in your life as lifters of broken spirits, wells of empathy. Without even asking it, I had my answer.

The King of Staten Island, which Universal has decided to release to video on demand on June 12, is classic Apatow—a comedy with fun, raucous improv energy layered with heart. It is very much about what can happen to the stability of individuals within a family after a tragedy of incredible magnitude. It’s about wanting to move on but not being able to when a loved one is taken away from you, and your friends, the government, and the universe can’t offer any real closure. Pete’s character, Scott, still lives with his mom and can’t seem to realize any of his dreams. Margie hasn’t been able to have a romantic relationship for more than a decade. But change happens. Scott gets kicked out of the house; his mom starts dating; hilarity (and much personal growth!) ensues.

11341mafr20150508mafr 20150505 0359pmvoguecomdecember2014marisatomeipublishedlightly retouchedno further needed25250012copytif

Tomei has been active in the Times Up movement. “Usually you’re the only one on the set. You’re ‘the girl,’ in quotes. So these gatherings really fostered a sense of sisterhood—and intergenerational sisterhood,” she says.

Matthew Frost /

That Tomei would choose to be in a comedy that’s filled with smart tenderness is no surprise. She is a kind of avatar of integrity. She could have easily taken a more superficial route in a career that spans more than sixty films, but she didn’t. Her acting has remained thoroughly superb, and her taste in movies has skewed buoyantly indie, no matter the budget—that even includes Spider-Man: Homecoming. “I’m a ham if nothing else,” she says of her taste in roles. “We want things to be entertaining. But is it something that’s worth talking about? Is there some kind of dialogue around it that’s worth thinking about? That’s what’s kept me there.” She even has a pretty existential take on how The King of Staten Island may be read in the context of our current COVID-19 crisis.

“I feel like what Pete goes through as a character and as a person in real life is a lot of pain and struggle dealing with the loss of 9/11. Trying to understand how the world works. A generational thing of not quite feeling at home in the world. The challenge of growing up in a world that’s geared not to people but to corporations. There’s not a coherence to that for a lot of younger people. And it’s all been laid bare now during this crisis. It’s all under the black light.” She sweeps her hand dramatically in front of her. “And you can see all of it.”

This content is imported from YouTube. You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

Tomei does not shy away from politics and social justice. She spoke at President Obama’s inauguration concert in 2009, publicly supported Christine Blasey Ford, and is very involved in Time’s Up, the Hollywood organization that raises awareness about workplace inequality for women. She tells me about the significance of finally getting together with other actresses at Time’s Up meetings. “Usually you’re the only one on the set. You’re ‘the girl,’ in quotes. So these gatherings really fostered a sense of sisterhood—and intergenerational sisterhood.”

I mention how a lot of her roles lately have been matriarchal figures. Does she wish there were more parts for women her age in Hollywood? “Clearly,” she says.

So was she happy with the role of Aunt May in the Marvel franchise?

“I was behind the curve understanding that this is where the movie industry was going, and luckily I had people advise me . . . who pushed me to do it. And I got lucky because I love [director] Jon Watts. But I think a lot more could have been done with the Aunt May character and what I was promised at the same time. She is his surrogate mom, right? And she has a lot of wisdom, she is his guide, but she doesn’t seem quite to be his guide, you know?”

She tells me she would love to portray more important women in history, the pioneering Italian actress Eleonora Duse in particular. I wouldn’t mind seeing an Aunt May spin-off in the meantime, I tell her.

She laughs. “I don’t believe you! I don’t think that’s in the cards.” She delivers that last part in a hammy Brooklyn accent.

“Oh, I loved them. They’re great films. Besides,” she adds, “girls like them now!”

This content is created and maintained by a third party, and imported onto this page to help users provide their email addresses. You may be able to find more information about this and similar content at

This commenting section is created and maintained by a third party, and imported onto this page. You may be able to find more information on their web site.

Posted on

Alicia Garza and William Barber Explain Why Black Lives Matter is the Ultimate Antidote to Trumpism

Recent polling indicates that an overwhelming number of Americans, close to 75%, support the protests, inspired by George Floyd’s murder, against racism and police brutality.  This approval, polls reveal, stretches across party lines and racial lines.

The polls, of course, don’t reveal in any precise way the psychological dynamics at work in the American mentality that might account for what seems like a sudden shift toward acknowledging the reality and severity of racism in the United States and the gross devaluation of Black lives.

While Trump administration insiders such as Attorney General William Barr and Ben Carson, Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, continue to deny the reality of systemic racism, the American majority seems no longer willing to buy this bill of goods.

It wasn’t long ago that too often too many American challenged the “Black Lives Matter” assertion with the assertion of “All Lives Matter,” a substitution that failed to recognize the particular ways Black lives, and the lives of people of color generally, have been specifically devalued in U.S. society.

Perhaps this American majority is beginning to consider that if we are going to achieve a society and political economy in which all lives matter we need to address the way “race” functions as one of many critical factors in the U.S. political economic system that devalue human life. We all gain from addressing the myriad ways our world works to discount people and justify their oppression.

In a recent appearance on MSNBC’s Morning Joe, Alicia Garza, co-founder of the Black Lives Matter movement, and Reverend William Barber, co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, among other titles, spoke about the comprehensive politics of the Black Lives Matter movement and anti-racist movements more generally in a way that explains why addressing racism as a social ill is central to addressing the inequities which the majority of Americans endure, such as lack of health insurance, poverty, lack of access to affordable housing, and more.

Garza stresses the need to recognize “the impact of racism on every system in our society,” and sees the recent and prolonged mass uprisings as presenting the opportunity “to redirect resources in our society to the places that need it the most.”  She highlights the reality that America is entering another recession, making unemployment a pressing issue for all, and one disproportionately impacting African Americans experiencing 40% unemployment.  Addressing racism by directing resources to deal with African American unemployment entails, by extension, addressing the issue of unemployment as it impacts all Americans.

She highlights that “our budgets do not reflect our morals.” In centering racism as key mechanism in U.S. culture and society that has prevented the nation from realizing political and social equality and economic justice, she is calling for the extension of these rights to all, for our budgets to realize our putative ideals of equality and equal justice so that “everybody in America has an opportunity to thrive.”

Reverend Barber underlines many of these points, emphasizing the danger of this moment lies in risk that we might focus the present call for justice too narrowly on police and criminal justice reform. The phrase “I can’t breathe,” he stressed, needs to be understood as “a shorthand for all the ways people can’t breathe,” for all the ways Americans are strangled, which invariably African Americans experience disproportionately in relation to the rest of the American population. He cites the fact that 700 people a day die from poverty in the U.S., a quarter of a million people per year, and that 61% of those living in poverty are African American.  80 million Americans are uninsured or underinsured when it comes to health care, which also has a “racialized impact.”

The suppression of the African American vote, Barber asserts, is obviously racist but also harms all Americans suffering, even if unevenly, from economic and social injustices as well. He explains that voter suppression leads to political leaders getting elected who then block the legislation that would provide health care for all Americans, implement criminal justice reform, address climate change, and more.

In short, he emphasized, “Everything racism and classism touches becomes a form of death, a form of strangulation, a form of suffocation of democracy.”

What Garza and Barber make clear is that eradicating racism and imbuing black lives and the lives of people of color with value extends equal value to all lives by eliminating the hierarchizing mechanisms that assign unequal values to the lives of Americans of all races and ethnicities.

Perhaps Americans are finally beginning to assimilate what Garza and Barber, among others, have been trying to get them to see, that racism prevents justice for all, that black lives have to matter for all lives to matter.

Poverty rates have increased under Trump’s leadership, impacting all Americans.  Trump actively calls for lowering wages to make America more competitive and continues to dismantle the Affordable Care Act.  His administration refuses to address the COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately is killing people of color and which has done substantial economic damage to the majority of Americans. His administration refuses to account for how $500 billion from the recent stimulus package was distributed to corporations.  Reports do indicate that corporations who have consistently dodged paying taxes received millions in relief.  Meanwhile, he cages children, criminalizes, immigrants, and spews racist rhetoric that encourages mass racist shootings such as we saw at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and in El Paso.

What are we seeing here from Trump? That budgets do not seem to reflect our ideals and that he is certainly not redirecting resources “to places in our society that need it the most;” and that racism and classism are forms of death.

The antidote to Trumpism? Make Black lives matter and end racism.


Posted on

QAnon marches toward the halls of Congress

Depending on where one looks, Q-adherent beliefs range from untrue theories that spring from actual events — DNC staffer Seth Rich was murdered by gang members hired by Democratic leaders, the Rothschild family was behind Princess Diana’s death, German Chancellor Angela Merkel is Adolf Hitler’s grandchild — to the arcane and metaphysical. One more nebulous belief: that the most prominent members of this cabal harvest adrenal glands from childrens’ brains and sacrifice them to the Satanic ancient god Moloch. Another alleges that Trump has arrested these evildoers — not physically here on earth, but spiritually, on an interdimensional plane.

The vast majority of Republicans, right-leaning voters, and MAGA-ites — even former proponents of Pizzagate, an early QAnon conspiracy about D.C. sex trafficking — have rejected QAnon. But what was once a group of internet-only evangelists that was more focused on spreading the word of Q by posting videos and memes, is now transitioning offline and onto the ballot — and, perhaps, Congress.

Jack Posobiec, a correspondent for the pro-Trump One America News Network who first came onto the MAGA scene for his Pizzagate promotion, has been sparring with QAnon adherents for years. But prior to this primary season, Posobiec said that they mostly kept their activities to the internet — posting memes, hosting livestreams with QAnon celebrities, and so forth. But Q boosters are now aiming for elected office.

“I can’t tell you what they are thinking personally, I don’t know any of these candidates,” he said in a text message. “But there’s clearly a high degree of self-motivation.

“Maybe they feel they are part of the Plan,” he added, referring to the oft-repeated QAnon mantra to “Trust the Plan.”

QAnon followers have not lost faith in Trump or Q even when the cult figure’s elaborate predictions have not come true — like one that theorized Trump was working with former Attorney General Jeff Sessions and special counsel Robert Mueller to purge the deep state. And to this point, Trump has yet to disavow the group, even as the FBI has labeled it a potential source of domestic terrorism. Across the country, people radicalized by QAnon have been charged with crimes, ranging from attempted kidnapping to murder, inspired by the conspiracy theory.

View, the QAnon tracker, argued that Trump has always gravitated toward groups, like QAnon, that consider him a “Jesus-like figure.” And the belief among QAnon that it has Trump’s covert approval — divined by Q supporters from his tweets and random hand gestures — has turned into political energy.

With Greene, the woman running for Georgia’s soon-to-be vacant 14th Congressional District seat, the political aspirations will likely succeed. Greene is heading into a runoff for the Republican nomination as the clear favorite. And if she claims the nomination, her district is considered a safe seat for Republicans, meaning she would likely be headed to Washington.

Having a Q supporter in Congress will inevitably fan the flames of the conspiracy, even if Greene decides to remain silent about Q or even disavow her previous beliefs, which involve her calling Q a “patriot” back in 2018.

“if you think about it, it’s a whole new pipeline for information that can feed into the Q movement,” said Angelo Carusone, the president of Media Matters, who himself has been the target of QAnon conspiracies. “Because now they have a person in office that has the imprimatur of that congressional pin, who is going to have access to information either that others can’t get access to, or that’s a lot harder for them to get access to.”

So far, the Republican Party apparatus has yet to acknowledge Greene’s promotion of Q theories, and Greene did not respond to a request for comment. But she is not a pariah within the party. She claims endorsements from prominent figures like Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and received financial backing from the House Freedom Fund PAC, a campaign vehicle connected to Trump’s chief of staff Mark Meadows.

“I don’t think the party quite understands the Q meme,” Posobiec observed. “They still regard it as ‘some internet thing,’ and in an election year I can understand they have their hands full.”

“Some internet thing” or not, the energy behind Q is unlikely to go away whether or not Trump loses the 2020 election, Carusone said.

While he predicted that QAnon would begin pressuring Trump to carry out “The Plan” and begin his mass purge of the power elite if he won, Carusone worried particularly about what would happen if Trump lost.

“You’ll start to see an increase in questions about the legitimacy of the election, of the outcome,” he predicted. “Increased attacks on the system of voting, a total lack of acknowledgement about the election result unnecessarily. And that’s assuming Trump says nothing.”

If Trump decides to contest the results, Carusone added, he has a captive audience “that have been stockpiling weapons, ammunition and freeze dried food rights to basically fight the battle of their lives against the deep state. Either way, they’re going to say that it’s proof of their argument and the externalities that come from that are not good.”

Posted on

Murphy faces dilemma as some local leaders openly defy his Covid-19 restrictions

Phil Murphy at a coronavirus briefing | Pool Photos by Kevin Sanders/New Jesey Globe


New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy has an authority problem.

Days after Murphy violated his own executive order barring large public gatherings by participating in two protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd, some local leaders are openly defying his executive orders that restrict certain activities.


On Wednesday night, the City Council in overwhelmingly progressive Asbury Park voted to allow indoor dining with social distancing restrictions in place, even though that’s still not allowed under Murphy’s executive order.

In northern New Jersey, the Republican mayor of Wayne cited Murphy’s own actions in justifying his decision to “facilitate” graduation ceremonies for the town’s two high schools, in violation of another order limiting the number of people who can gather outside.

The defiance by local authorities puts Murphy, a progressive Democrat, in the throes of a political balancing act, having to decide whether to send state authorities in to enforce his executive orders or let them slide, potentially opening the door for more local officials to openly challenge his edicts.

It’s a dilemma other governors have faced over the past three months, but only now has hit New Jersey, which has recorded the second-highest number of Covid-19 cases and deaths in the nation, behind only New York, the epicenter of the virus. It‘s also a problem more governors will likely face as residents, cooped up for months, itch to resume a sense of normalcy as the summer months approach.

The defiance of Murphy’s orders comes as the state is gradually loosening the measures the governor imposed in mid-March to combat the spread of the coronavirus.

During his daily briefing on Thursday, Murphy was critical of the decision by Asbury Park officials.

“The actions of the Asbury Park governing body — a great community in this state — their actions are inconsistent with my executive order,” he said. “We cannot have one set of rules for one town and one set of rules for another town.”

On Friday, Murphy announced that Attorney General Gurbir Grewal will file a lawsuit against Asbury Park to override the city’s ordinance.

“We have worked with the governing body of Asbury Park to try to amicably resolve the issue of their resolution regarding indoor dining. Unfortunately, they have not done so,” Murphy said.

A state judge late Friday blocked the ordinance from taking effect.

Asbury Park Deputy Mayor Amy Quinn said in a statement Thursday that Murphy has allowed indoor gatherings of up to 50 people or 25 percent capacity for some establishments “and we simply decided to extend it to food and beverage service.”

Quinn could not immediately be reached for comment Friday afternoon and Mayor John Moor declined to comment on the lawsuit.

Murphy has said the capacity limits are meant mainly to apply to houses of worship, and while New Jersey will begin to allow outdoor dining starting Monday, the governor has not yet put in place a plan for indoor dining.

In Wayne, Mayor Christopher Vergano said that after two weeks of calls and emails from constituents, he decided to go ahead with June graduations after seeing Murphy participate in two protest marches last weekend.

“We had been talking about this before, but when I saw him on TV on Sunday, that was my inspiration,” Vergano said in an interview. “I saw an elected official who was doing what he was right for his community by marching, and I said you know what, using that same thought process, we should do the same for our kids.”

The state will allow outdoor graduation ceremonies with up to 500 people beginning July 6, but Vergano said Wayne will hold graduation ceremonies at its two high schools on June 18 and June 19.

Murphy has come under intense criticism from Republicans, as well as New Jersey’s second-highest ranking Democrat, Senate President Steve Sweeney, for being too slow to allow businesses that were shuttered in mid-March to reopen.

But other states, such as Texas, Florida and Arizona that were initially hit less hard by Covid-19 than New Jersey and loosened restrictions earlier, have seen recent spikes in coronavirus cases. That’s before taking into account the risk of spread among the thousands of people who have taken to the streets in the past two weeks across the nation to protest police brutality and structural racism.

“We cannot have communities mirroring the cavalier actions in other states which have not put a premium on making the health of their residents priority No. 1,” said Murphy Thursday.

Murphy said the state has been in touch with officials in the towns that have publicly challenged his executive order, though Vergano said he had not heard from anyone.

“We’re going to do what we think is right for our citizens and we’re going to do what we think is right on Saturday and Sunday,” he said.

Democratic state Sen. Richard Codey and former Gov. Jim Florio, a Democrat who served from 1990 to 1994, said Murphy shouldn’t step in with a heavy hand — yet.

“The executive order enforcement mechanism depends upon the viability and the fortitude of the person issuing the executive order,” said Florio in a phone interview. “I think in some respects the governor has done a good job balancing toughness with collegiality. And I think that’s a very big asset he’s got going for him.”

Codey, an ally of Murphy who served as governor for 14 months from late 2004 to early 2006, said Murphy needs to have a “quick conversation“ with the mayor and police chief of Asbury Park, “a very candid conversation.”

Assembly Minority Leader Jon Bramnick, a Republican who’s considering a run for governor in 2021, said he doesn’t know if Murphy’s own decision to violate his executive order on public gatherings inspired towns to take their own action, “but it gives them cover.”

“The governor sent a terrible message. I continue to support the law. I continue to support the executive orders. But I’m deeply saddened that the governor didn’t understand the impact of violating this order,” Bramnick said in a phone interview. “When you raise your right hand up and put your hand on the Bible and say, ‘I’m going to follow the Constitution and the laws of New Jersey,’ and then you say ‘well this is more important than the Constitution of the laws of New Jersey … what do you expect?”

Jack Ciattarelli, a former state assemblyman who’s seeking the GOP nomination for governor in 2021, said Murphy’s “hypocrisy” in attending a rally “penetrated deeply,” and that Asbury Park is sending a message to Murphy about the state of its restaurant industry.

“What the governor fails to understand is this industry isn’t in survival mode, it’s on its death bed right now,” said Ciattarelli. “And the folks in Asbury Park feel, rightfully so, that a statement needs to be made.“

Posted on

How to watch ‘The ABCs of Covid 19: A CNN/Sesame Street Town Hall for Kids and Parents’

The special show will feature experts and “Sesame Street” characters answering questions submitted by families.

Big Bird will join CNN chief medical correspondent Dr. Sanjay Gupta and CNN anchor and national correspondent Erica Hill to moderate the event.

Alongside “Sesame Street” characters — including Elmo, Abby Cadabby, Rosita and Grover — the special program will feature Olympic gold medal gymnasts Laurie Hernandez and Simone Biles; Dr. Amy Acton, director of Ohio’s Department of Health; and CEO of Baltimore City Schools Sonja Santelises.

What time is the special?

10 a.m. ET on Saturday, June 13.

How can I watch?

“The ABCs of COVID-19” will air on CNN, CNN International and CNN en Español. It will stream live for subscribers on‘s homepage and across mobile devices via CNN’s apps for iOS and Android. It can also be viewed on CNNgo (at on your desktop, smartphone, and iPad, and via CNNgo apps for Apple TV, Roku, Amazon Fire, SamsungSmart TV, Chromecast, and Android TV). The special will also be available on demand to subscribers via cable/satellite systems, CNNgo platforms and CNN mobile apps.

The show was initially slated to air on Saturday, May 30, but was postponed due to breaking news.

Posted on

Insurgent threatens to derail McGrath-McConnell showdown in Kentucky

After coronavirus stalled any effort at toppling McGrath, the protests against police brutality are sparking newfound momentum for Booker.

“How do you run your campaign when you can’t go anywhere? And then these protests come around, and I think it helped Charles find his footing and find his voice,” said Jones, who considered running for the seat and criticizes the DSCC. He acknowledged that McGrath remains the favorite but predicted a close finish.

“I don’t know that I’ve ever seen a race where somebody has this much money and seems to be struggling,” he added.

Most Democrats declined to criticize McGrath on the record. Even Sanders gave a guarded response when asked why he felt the need to weigh in.

“We’re going to support progressive candidates who are fighting for the issues that we believe in,” Sanders said this week.

Democratic leaders were perplexed by Sanders’ intervention. As Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) put it: “Bernie may have made some promise to someone along the way.”

“She is in the mainstream of Democratic thinking, and I think is very electable in the commonwealth of Kentucky,” said Durbin, who is from neighboring Illinois.

Despite the intrigue in the primary, Kentucky is not central to Democrats’ campaign for the majority. Party officials say that it’s one of the longest shots to flip this election, and the money soaked up by McGrath would arguably go much further in North Carolina, Montana and Iowa.

“Those polls that show it tied are real. But the composition of the undecideds should give us great pause. I am more bullish on South Carolina, Texas — I mean, almost every other race,” said one Democratic senator familiar with party strategy.

McGrath has been squeezed on both sides down the stretch: Booker is running an ad claiming she’s not a “real Democrat” and suggesting she’s too pro-Trump, while McConnell’s campaign released a new ad attacking her support for Trump’s impeachment and calling her “extreme.”

“You can’t run against McConnell from a defensive crouch with a playbook that was obviously cooked up by consultants. You have to perform every day, drive a message and keep him on his back foot,” said Adam Jentleson, who was a top aide to former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.). “Only Charles will be able to do that. “

Broihier, a Marine veteran and farmer, is also aiming for voters not sold on McGrath, focusing on rural counties where Booker is less present while also running to McGrath’s left, which could complicate projections.

“Kentucky was essentially given a candidate, from the outside,” said Liam deClive-Lowe, Broihier’s campaign manager. “People didn’t like that.”

Turnout is uncertain. The May election was delayed due to Covid-19, and all voters are eligible to request mail-in ballots. But only one in-person voting location is open in each county — including Jefferson, home to Booker’s base in populous Louisville — and some Democrats fear chaos similar to Georgia.

McGrath’s campaign has joined a lawsuit for more in-person voting options. The extensive mail-in voting could also mean Booker’s momentum is too little, too late.

One former elected Democrat in the state praised Booker’s campaign and said his recent endorsements “have taken him from having no shot to having a real shot.” But this former official already voted absentee for McGrath and questioned Booker’s ability to get his message in front of enough voters in time.

McGrath has had no trouble getting her message out since her grassroots fundraising prowess has let her blanket the commonwealth’s airwaves for months.

“We’ve been able to build a team to match Mitch McConnell in fundraising, and that’s one of the reasons we’re neck-and-neck with him,” McGrath said. “We’re going to give him a challenge like he’s never seen.”

Posted on

Ukrainian Law Enforcement Arrest Individual Allegedly Attempting to End Investigation Into Burisma and Hunter Biden with $6 Million Bribe

BREAKING REPORT: Ukrainian Law Enforcement Arrest Individual Allegedly Attempting to End Investigation Into Burisma and Hunter Biden with $6 Million Bribe

Tap here to add The Western Journal to your home screen.

Posted on

Bolton: Trump is Addicted to Chaos, His Policies Are Driven by Reelection Calculations

John Bolton, the disgruntled former National Security Advisor, who was fired by President Trump, has finally released his “tell-all” book titled “The Room Where It Happened” published by Simon & Schuster.

Simon & Schuster in a press-release about the book said that “it contains a thorough accounting of Trump’s transgressions.”

Here is full statement from the publisher house:

As President Trump’s National Security Advisor, John Bolton spent many of his 453 days in the room where it happened, and the facts speak for themselves.

The result is a White House memoir that is the most comprehensive and substantial account of the Trump Administration, and one of the few to date by a top-level official. With almost daily access to the President, John Bolton has produced a precise rendering of his days in and around the Oval Office. What Bolton saw astonished him: a President for whom getting reelected was the only thing that mattered, even if it meant endangering or weakening the nation. “I am hard-pressed to identify any significant Trump decision during my tenure that wasn’t driven by reelection calculations,” he writes. In fact, he argues that the House committed impeachment malpractice by keeping their prosecution focused narrowly on Ukraine when Trump’s Ukraine-like transgressions existed across the full range of his foreign policy—and Bolton documents exactly what those were, and attempts by him and others in the Administration to raise alarms about them.

He shows a President addicted to chaos, who embraced our enemies and spurned our friends, and was deeply suspicious of his own government. In Bolton’s telling, all this helped put Trump on the bizarre road to impeachment. “The differences between this presidency and previous ones I had served were stunning,” writes Bolton, who worked for Reagan, Bush 41, and Bush 43. He discovered a President who thought foreign policy is like closing a real estate deal—about personal relationships, made-for-TV showmanship, and advancing his own interests. As a result, the US lost an opportunity to confront its deepening threats, and in cases like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea ended up in a more vulnerable place.

Bolton’s account starts with his long march to the West Wing as Trump and others woo him for the National Security job. The minute he lands, he has to deal with Syria’s chemical attack on the city of Douma, and the crises after that never stop. As he writes in the opening pages, “If you don’t like turmoil, uncertainty, and risk—all the while being constantly overwhelmed with information, decisions to be made, and sheer amount of work—and enlivened by international and domestic personality and ego conflicts beyond description, try something else.”

The turmoil, conflicts, and egos are all there—from the upheaval in Venezuela, to the erratic and manipulative moves of North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, to the showdowns at the G7 summits, the calculated warmongering by Iran, the crazy plan to bring the Taliban to Camp David, and the placating of an authoritarian China that ultimately exposed the world to its lethal lies. But this seasoned public servant also has a great eye for the Washington inside game, and his story is full of wit and wry humor about how he saw it played.